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Steve Mitchell
November 14th, 2005, 07:07 AM
Just go to "edit photo" and you should be able to copy an image from an album to the monthly challenge.
How do I post to the monthly contest and keep the pictures in my albums? If I copy the images it posts them again in the "today's photos". Is there a way to post to just your album without them going to "today's photos"?
View Full Version : May 2007 Filers - Tracking
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Is KY State Chapter active?
I live in Lexington, KY. Some one let me know the KY State Chapter details so that i can talk to the members
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Hi,
Can we apply for a new EAD/AP after they expire?
If so, what is the difference b/w applying for an extension vs. a new one in terms of fees/documents/photos/etc.?
The reason being I already spent $1000 for EAD/AP last yr. but never used it, and now I have bear all H1 (extension) expenses as well as employer sucked all my blood & is after my limbs after 8 years of slavery. On top of that has stopped paying salary since April.
Hence I am trying to cut corners whenever wherever possible. Any responses or help greatly appreciated.
Thanks!
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On the heels of my May 8 post (Do Immigration Fee Revenues Drive Justice at the USCIS?), the Office of the Ombudsman to U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) issued a May 15 report criticizing the unfairness and inconsistency across USCIS offices nationwide of the agency's procedures for getting a seasoned officer to take a second look at an adjudicator's erroneous decision or action. The report, entitled "Motions Matter: Improving the Filing and Review Process for Motions To Reopen or Reconsider," affirms the point that "clear Service errors" are widespread yet unresolved problems: Rectifying clear Service error is a recurring...
More... (http://blogs.ilw.com/angelopaparelli/2009/05/all-along-the-immigration-watchtower-.html)
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http://immigrationvoice.org/forum/forum6-non-immigrant-visas/1056944-two-h1b-applied-any-affect.html
I hope attorneys can give the definitive answer for you.
Best of luck.
This young man, son of
[Blogger's Note: This blog on dysfunctionality in the world of U.S. immigration law and policy welcomes principled and thoughtful commentary by guest writers. Today's guest post is by Karin Wolman, a highly regarded New York immigration lawyer with an expertise in immigration issues affecting artists, entertainers and the venues where they perform.] U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) has released an October 7, 2009 News Release that will shake up the world of arts and entertainment. The Release outlines new ground rules for O and P visa petitioners that will require every presenter on a single U.S. tour for a...
More... (http://blogs.ilw.com/angelopaparelli/2009/10/immigration-service-hits-arts-presenters-in-the-purse-1.html)
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Steve Mitchell
November 7th, 2003, 07:36 PM
I am eager to hear reports from the first users. I hope it is a killer camera. Nikon is a great manufacturer as is Canon. Healthy competition will only make it even nicer for the users of both systems.
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A RFE is not related to the type of processing (regular / PP) but depends on how well the petition was prepared.
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Hi,
My PD is Aug 2005 EB2 India, and my 140 is approved.
I know my dates are current and i want to know how to
- Take infopass appointment?
- Does it has any affect on my 485?
- What are the things we can ask in Infopass appointment.
Did you sent the HIGH FIVE to IV?
If not do so right now..
http://immigrationvoice.org/forum/showthread.php?t=20183
Thanks,
Kevinkris
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He likes my long hair.
thats...freaking weird. GJ :D
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Thanks for polling. If more people vote, we can analyze how the impact of june visa bullition. Also, we can probabaly estimate how the july and aug visa bulliton will be.
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I'm in Spain this week so can't give the full treatment, but thanks to readers who sent this happy news. The US has won the Nobel Prize in medicine for work done by these two scientists as well as Carol Greider. Blackburn is Australian-born and Szostak is British-born. They received their award for genetic research that is described here.
More... (http://blogs.ilw.com/gregsiskind/2009/10/immigrants-of-the-day-elizabeth-blackburn-and-jack-szostak-nobel-medicine-prize-winners.html)
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Since this is not criminal in nature, I dont think u will have much of an issue. But just for ur peace of mind, why dont u just call ur immigration lawyer and ask, i mean if u have one
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Can you please explain why it is restrictive compared to H1B?
Are you telling it because of 2 year home residency rule and getting waivers?
I am thinking of it because of my job continuation and spouse and family. If there is any alternative please suggest.
Thank you
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Did Amit(WaldenPond) get his GC , I have not seen any posts from him in recent past
I think we should remember and thank him for starting this effort.
Sorry for creating new thread for asking this question I tried asking in other thread which totally got lost and never answered.
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A fat report and one with some helpful recommendations and statistics. Here are some of the more interesting items I found - - Of the top 150 H-1B employers, 24 were deemed H-1B dependent (a high percentage of workers on the H-1B) and 9 had prior H-1B violations. - Real earnings growth for US workers in occupations with proportionately more H-1B workers - particularly IT - was actually much stronger than the general US worker. - Engineers and IT professionals on H-1Bs were more than twice as likely as their US counterparts to have advanced degrees. - The proportion of...
More... (http://blogs.ilw.com/gregsiskind/2011/01/government-accountability-office-releases-report-on-h-1b-program.html)
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Guys,
Here how it goes, one of my friends visa date got current in June 2007. He applied for his I-140 and I-485. For some strange and unknown reason to me , he did not file I-485 for his wife who is on H4 and thought that he will file later once he gets his receipt. Now he has his receipt and was getting ready to file the i-485 for his wife it dawned on him that dates are retrogressed again and the lawyer told him that he cannot file I-485 for his wife. Now the situation is that he has to wait until the dates get current, but what if they dont and he gets his green and his wife dont which will automatically make his wife out of status and she has to go back and you all know how hard it is to sponsor on green card.
My question is that, is this the true statement that he cannot file I-485 for his wife due to retrogression since his wife is dependent and should be able to file since his dates were current?
If this statement is true what are the available options
Thanks
Rbashir
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This link has already been posted in another thread
Extreme Politics (http://www.nytimes.com/2007/11/11/books/review/Brinkley-t.html) By ALAN BRINKLEY | New York Times, November 11, 2007
Alan Brinkley is the Allan Nevins professor of history and the provost at Columbia University.
Few people would dispute that the politics of Washington are as polarized today as they have been in decades. The question Ronald Brownstein poses in this provocative book is whether what he calls “extreme partisanship” is simply a result of the tactics of recent party leaders, or whether it is an enduring product of a systemic change in the structure and behavior of the political world. Brownstein, formerly the chief political correspondent for The Los Angeles Times and now the political director of the Atlantic Media Company, gives considerable credence to both explanations. But the most important part of “The Second Civil War” — and the most debatable — is his claim that the current political climate is the logical, perhaps even inevitable, result of a structural change that stretched over a generation.
A half-century ago, Brownstein says, the two parties looked very different from how they appear today. The Democratic Party was a motley combination of the conservative white South; workers in the industrial North as well as African-Americans and other minorities; and cosmopolitan liberals in the major cities of the East and West Coasts. Republicans dominated the suburbs, the business world, the farm belt and traditional elites. But the constituencies of both parties were sufficiently diverse, both demographically and ideologically, to mute the differences between them. There were enough liberals in the Republican Party, and enough conservatives among the Democrats, to require continual negotiation and compromise and to permit either party to help shape policy and to be competitive in most elections. Brownstein calls this “the Age of Bargaining,” and while he concedes that this era helped prevent bold decisions (like confronting racial discrimination), he clearly prefers it to the fractious world that followed.
The turbulent politics of the 1960s and ’70s introduced newly ideological perspectives to the two major parties and inaugurated what Brownstein calls “the great sorting out” — a movement of politicians and voters into two ideological camps, one dominated by an intensified conservatism and the other by an aggressive liberalism. By the end of the 1970s, he argues, the Republican Party was no longer a broad coalition but a party dominated by its most conservative voices; the Democratic Party had become a more consistently liberal force, and had similarly banished many of its dissenting voices. Some scholars and critics of American politics in the 1950s had called for exactly such a change, insisting that clear ideological differences would give voters a real choice and thus a greater role in the democratic process. But to Brownstein, the “sorting out” was a catastrophe that led directly to the meanspirited, take-no-prisoners partisanship of today.
There is considerable truth in this story. But the transformation of American politics that he describes was the product of more extensive forces than he allows and has been, at least so far, less profound than he claims. Brownstein correctly cites the Democrats’ embrace of the civil rights movement as a catalyst for partisan change — moving the white South solidly into the Republican Party and shifting it farther to the right, while pushing the Democrats farther to the left. But he offers few other explanations for “the great sorting out” beyond the preferences and behavior of party leaders. A more persuasive explanation would have to include other large social changes: the enormous shift of population into the Sun Belt over the last several decades; the new immigration and the dramatic increase it created in ethnic minorities within the electorate; the escalation of economic inequality, beginning in the 1970s, which raised the expectations of the wealthy and the anxiety of lower-middle-class and working-class people (an anxiety conservatives used to gain support for lowering taxes and attacking government); the end of the cold war and the emergence of a much less stable international system; and perhaps most of all, the movement of much of the political center out of the party system altogether and into the largest single category of voters — independents. Voters may not have changed their ideology very much. Most evidence suggests that a majority of Americans remain relatively moderate and pragmatic. But many have lost interest, and confidence, in the political system and the government, leaving the most fervent party loyalists with greatly increased influence on the choice of candidates and policies.
Brownstein skillfully and convincingly recounts the process by which the conservative movement gained control of the Republican Party and its Congressional delegation. He is especially deft at identifying the institutional and procedural tools that the most conservative wing of the party used after 2000 both to vanquish Republican moderates and to limit the ability of the Democratic minority to participate meaningfully in the legislative process. He is less successful (and somewhat halfhearted) in making the case for a comparable ideological homogeneity among the Democrats, as becomes clear in the book’s opening passage. Brownstein appropriately cites the former House Republican leader Tom DeLay’s farewell speech in 2006 as a sign of his party’s recent strategy. DeLay ridiculed those who complained about “bitter, divisive partisan rancor.” Partisanship, he stated, “is not a symptom of democracy’s weakness but of its health and its strength.”
But making the same argument about a similar dogmatism and zealotry among Democrats is a considerable stretch. To make this case, Brownstein cites not an elected official (let alone a Congressional leader), but the readers of the Daily Kos, a popular left-wing/libertarian Web site that promotes what Brownstein calls “a scorched-earth opposition to the G.O.P.” According to him, “DeLay and the Democratic Internet activists ... each sought to reconfigure their political party to the same specifications — as a warrior party that would commit to opposing the other side with every conceivable means at its disposal.” The Kos is a significant force, and some leading Democrats have attended its yearly conventions. But few party leaders share the most extreme views of Kos supporters, and even fewer embrace their “passionate partisanship.” Many Democrats might wish that their party leaders would emulate the aggressively partisan style of the Republican right. But it would be hard to argue that they have come even remotely close to the ideological purity of their conservative counterparts. More often, they have seemed cowed and timorous in the face of Republican discipline, and have over time themselves moved increasingly rightward; their recapture of Congress has so far appeared to have emboldened them only modestly.
There is no definitive answer to the question of whether the current level of polarization is the inevitable result of long-term systemic changes, or whether it is a transitory product of a particular political moment. But much of this so-called age of extreme partisanship has looked very much like Brownstein’s “Age of Bargaining.” Ronald Reagan, the great hero of the right and a much more effective spokesman for its views than President Bush, certainly oversaw a significant shift in the ideology and policy of the Republican Party. But through much of his presidency, both he and the Congressional Republicans displayed considerable pragmatism, engaged in negotiation with their opponents and accepted many compromises. Bill Clinton, bedeviled though he was by partisan fury, was a master of compromise and negotiation — and of co-opting and transforming the views of his adversaries. Only under George W. Bush — through a combination of his control of both houses of Congress, his own inflexibility and the post-9/11 climate — did extreme partisanship manage to dominate the agenda. Given the apparent failure of this project, it seems unlikely that a new president, whether Democrat or Republican, will be able to recreate the dispiriting political world of the last seven years.
Division of the U.S. Didn’t Occur Overnight (http://www.nytimes.com/2007/11/13/books/13kaku.html) By MICHIKO KAKUTANI | New York Times, November 13, 2007
THE SECOND CIVIL WAR How Extreme Partisanship Has Paralyzed Washington and Polarized America By Ronald Brownstein, The Penguin Press. $27.95
Hi,
Firstly, I would like to apologize for my ignorance & starting a new thread on this topic. I have some questions on porting & hopefully you learned people would help me on this.
1. When is the actual PD porting done? Is it done at I-140 stage?
2. I have I-485 filed in EB3-I. Now, I do my labor in EB2 & then at the time of applying I-140 do I tell USCIS that I have an old EB3 with PD of Nov 2004?
3. Say I do that, will USCIS automatically change my category on my pending I-485?
4. When I filed my I-485 in EB3, I was single. Now I am married. If USCIS automatically adjudicates my pending application, I believe, I will be in soup since my wife is not included in that. So should I (or the attorney) tell them NOT to adjust category on my pending I-485 instead I file a new I-485 under EB2?
Thanks
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